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Open access 15th c.
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The genesis of the music manuscript

The library was carefully maintained at the Corbie monastery. Old books were kept in repair and supplementary literature was purchased, but an active scriptorium was no longer in existence. New manuscripts were ordered from local copyists, from Amiens and from the Parisian workshops (Delisle 1861, pp. 40 ff; Jones 1947, p. 201). Therefore, when it was decided to acquire a collection of music for the special needs of the confrérie Ste Barbe, it seems impossible that it should have been ordered from a local shop. Musical expertize of a particular type was required to select the repertory. It must be our best guess that the young Caulaincourt, when he at Easter 1502 set off for Paris to study for ten months, brought along a detailed set of instructions from abbot d’Ostrel for the music collection and a sum of money to cover the expenses. His journey started a few months after the start of the building of the new church.

Caulaincourt’s Chronique does not tell us anything about his studies. The financing of his stay in Paris did not pose any problems, because in the same list of the abbot’s dispositions for the year 1501, where the monk’s participation in the banquets of the confraternities was settled, 200 livres yearly were granted to the maintenance of “our monks in Paris or study in other places” (Monachorum nostrorum Parisiis, vel alibi studentium; MSS Amiens 524, p. 336, and Paris 17757, f. 90v). And, as Caulaincourt mentions, he studied with and probably stayed with his cousin, the learned Jean Le Vasseur. In these Parisian circles it was certainly possible to find the looked-for expert with access to a wide-ranging repertory of monastic music. This person was the copyist we have dubbed Hand A, and he was surely also responsible for the selection of the funeral music and the sequences, which fills out the main part of the manuscript.

Thirty sheets of good quality parchment in large format were used for the music manuscript, and its big musical notation makes it eminently legible at a distance for a group of singers. All the text below the music is written in variants of the gothic minuscule script or textura (littera textualis formata) of the type found in countless manuscripts from the scriptoriums of churches and monasteries. In textura script it is often difficult to discern individual characteristics of the hands that had participated in producing a manuscript. Every letter is so to say drawn separately, often with more than one stroke, according to patterns, which did not vary much in the many parts of Europe where the script was used. This makes the textura very different from cursive script, which often discloses the copyist’s personal characteristics in the flow of letters across the page. However, in Amiens 162 it is relatively simple to discern the two main copyists (hands A and B) – the two scribes’ conspicuously different methods of preparation for music copying are in this respect very helpful. It is also quite easy to recognize three hands as developments of the same copyist’s writing over time (Hands B, C and D).

It seems obvious that the copying of the music manuscript started when the repertory was selected and ready. In order to get the work done in the short time available, the two main hands worked alongside each other, each on his part of the project, and we can imagine how they worked on the music manuscript.

Hand A concentrated on the music for funerals and commemoration, for which he prepared 14 sheets of parchment (see further the description. He was a professional scribe of liturgical books with musical notation such as missals and antiphonaries, in which prose and music alternate. In such manuscripts it could be difficult to predict where precisely musical notation should take over from text and rubrics, and therefore the musical staves were only drawn when initials and rubrics were in place upon the pages. This was exactly his method of working. First he entered all the text and the initials in dark brown (black) ink leaving spaces open for the red initials and for letters in a contrasting colour. Then he drew the initials and after that the music staves in red ink with a rastrum, seven staves on each page, carefully matching the texts below (staff system 1). The last stages were to enter the music in brown ink and the emphasized capitals and the decorations of the black initials in yellow ink. His texts are entered in a clear and well-formed textura with the single letters closely spaced and strong contrasts between the heavy strokes and the hairlines and with acute-angled feet on all vertical strokes. His expertise in musical notation was probably restricted to the black notation of plainchant and the related simple polyphony; his custos are – as usual in chant manuscripts – formed as miniature puncta.

He folded eight sheets into two fascicles (quaternions), which gave him sufficient space for four songs, and he left the front page of the first fascicle blank (ff. 2-17v). In the single two-part composition (ff. 13v-16) the tenor voice with the pre-existent tune is placed on the left hand pages, and the contra voice is on the right hand pages. In the three-part compositions the tenor is written across the openings at the bottom of the pages with the higher voices above it; the highest placed at the left. This disposition of the parts was traditional, known from countless motets from the 13th century onwards. In the songs with several stanzas the music and text for every single stanza is fully written out, each stanza occupying an opening. The fifth funeral piece was very long, ten stanzas, and he folded sheets in two fascicles in order to copy it, one of four sheets and one of two (ff. 18-29v). After filling out the ten openings in exactly the same way as in the preceding three-part songs, leaving the front page blank, he furnished the remaining pages with empty music staves drawn from side to side (ff. 18 and 28v-29v, staff system 2).

The funeral or commemorative repertory of hand A

This repertory of five very different polyphonic compositions exemplifies the expertise of its compiler. They are carefully selected with their liturgical function as criterion, probably from quite diverse exemplars as they – as we shall discuss later – display considerable differences in notation and compositional technique:

»Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis« a 3, ff. 2v-10
»Lugentibus in purgatorio« a 3, ff. 10v-13
»Quando deus filius virginis« a 2, ff. 13v-16
»Creator omnium rerum deus« a 3, ff. 16v-17v
»Juxta corpus spiritus stetit« a 3, ff. 18v-28

We find some quite unusual features considering that the repertory consists of anonymous music in very simple notation: For three out of the five compositions the tunes are known from other sources (“Quando deus”, “Creator omnium” and “Juxta corpus”), the texts of three of the five are known in one or more contemporary or recent polyphonic settings (“Bone Ihesu”, “Lugentibus” and “Juxta corpus”). Among the five only one sets a text and tune from the older liturgical repertory (“Creator omnium”), which on the other hand has the most ‘modern’ setting, while we for the remaining four know the texts only from the late 15th century and in particular in slightly different versions from other monasteries in French speaking regions and Southern Germany (“Bone Ihesu” changes an original Franciscan text into one acceptable to Benedictines, “Juxta corpus” has a Dominican leaning, but has been changed into an Augustinian text in a MS from the monastery Grand-Saint-Bernard etc.).

What unite these songs is that all of them are tropes or verses for the responsory “Libera me, domine, de morte eterna”, which had a prominent position in the funeral ritual, or more specifically in the absolution ceremony, which followed the Requiem mass and came before the procession to the churchyard. Moreover, it was an important element in the Officium pro defunctis, which was sung in intercession for the deceased on the day of death/funeral and on the 3rd, 7th and 30th days following the day of death, and in monasteries it was sung daily besides the office of the day in intercession for all the dead who had been connected with the monastery. “Libera me” is the final responsory of the third nocturne in the matins of Officium pro defunctis, and here it was often expanded with long rows of verses between the repeats of the responsory sections, and stanzas from metrical rimed hymns might appear. (1)

In his preface to the facsimile edition of the antiphoner from the cathedral of Worchester Dom André Mocquereau describes the Benedictine funeral ritual according to the rubrics in the antiphoner (13th century) supplemented with descriptions of ceremonies in the affiliated Benedictine monastery in Evesham (Mocquereau 1925, pp. 115-117): After the requiem mass a procession was formed, and with the cross bearer, bearers and acolytes with incense and holy water in front the monks went to the main altar and grouped around the catafalque where the deceased rested. From the choir steps the cantor and two monks intoned in “lamenting voice” (voce lacrimosa) the antiphon “Circumdederunt me gemitus mortis”, which the assembly answered with “Dolores inferni circumdererunt me”. This alternated singing was repeated trice. Then two brethren sang “Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, Kyrie eleyson” and the assembly repeated, then followed the prayer “Nos intres”, during which the brethren bowed low. The singers intoned the responsory “Qui Lazarum” and the assembly sang the continuation, while the prior swung the censer around the altar and the body. After the incensement a new series of prayers started with “Circumdederunt” and “Kyrie” as before. Then came the prayer “Deus qui omnia vivunt”, and while the responsory “Heu mihi” was sung, the altar and the body were again incensed. The third and last series of prayers again consisted of “Circumdederunt” and “Kyrie” followed by the prayer “Fac quaesumus Domine”, and the singers sang the responsory “Libera me, Domine, de morte” with the verse. “Creator omnium rerum deus”; (2) the assembly continued with “Dum veneris”, and finally the singers repeated “Libera me”. During this, the incensement was repeated. Here after the procession was formed again, and singing the antiphon “In paradisum” and the psalm “In exitu” it transported the deceased to the churchyard with lighted candles while the bells were ringing.

The three-part »Creator omnium rerum deus« in Amiens 162 sets a widely circulated verse whose tenor tune can be found in the Worchester antiphoner; it is a prayer for the soul of the deceased on the day of judgment: “… facies in die iudicii resuscitari. Exaudi, exaudi. exaudi me ut animam meam in sinu Abrahe patriarche tui iubeas collocari ” (3) The words “Exaudi, exaudi, exaudi me” are set with fermatas on all notes to emphasize the personal address. Also the two-part »Quando deus filius virginis« is a prayer for grace on the day of judgement for the resurrected after the souls’ descends into the abyss. Its three stanzas each end refrain-like with the exclamations “O, O, O” with fermatas, followed by first hopefully “felix vox, felix promisso”, then worriedly “proth dolor, quanta tritistia”, and finally by a prayer to Jesus “Ihesu rex, exaudi poscimus preces nostras”. The setting ends with a clue for the repeat of the responsory by way of the musical and textual incipit of “Libera ...” in both voices in unison. The tune in the tenor and the text is found in a nearly identical version – with a clue for the repeat of the “Dum veneris”-section of the responsory after the second stanza – in a processionale/tropar from the second half of the 15th century copied in the Augustine monastery Grand-Saint-Bernard or in the Aosta Valley (MS Grand-Saint-Bernhard 7). Clemens Blume states that this regular poem of quite limited circulation probably is a reworking of the trope “Dicet iustis ad dexteram positis”, which first appeared in sources from the second part of the 15th century. (4) Surely, it is much younger than the text of »Creator omnium rerum«.

In the thinking about the end of earthly life, we meet in the late medieval ages an increasing obsession with thoughts about what happens to the human soul in Purgatory. The cleansing fire (ignis purgatorius) that washed away sins before resurrection, becomes more and more a punitive measure, and it appears eventually as only one among many devilish contrived torments for the soul. The Purgatory becomes a feared, concrete station, which the dead has to pass through (Le Goff 1984, and Lexikon 1998, Art. ‘Fegfeuer’, Bd. IV, sp. 328-31). The intercessory prayers for the dead take on an ever-increasing importance in spiritual life, and the number of services and intercessory rituals explodes in the 15th century (Haggh 1996). If one wishes to expand the intercessory prayer for the soul, the natural place to set in is in the responsory “Libera me”, in which the core of the prayer is hewn out in stark words: “Libera me, Domine, de morte eterna, in die illa tremenda: Quando celi movendi sunt et terra: Dum veneris iudicare seculum per ignem.” (Deliver me, O Lord, from death eternal on that fearful day, when the heavens and the earth shall be moved, when thou shalt come to judge the world by fire.)

The two multi-stanza songs in Amiens 162, “Bone Ihesu” and “Juxta corpus”, whose texts can be found in more or less contemporary polyphonic settings from other monasteries, expand the prayer to invoke the whole range of saints, from Jesus to holy men and women, for their assistance in saving the soul of the deceased from the jail of torments (“Bone Ihesu”, stanza 2). Their many stanzas are to be sung as verses in “Libera me” alternating with shortened repetenda of the responsory. (5) Hereby the responsory gains an impressive length and weight in the ceremonies. The strictly hierarchical order of the stanzas’ supplications is remarkably similar in their litany-like structure (see the table summarizing the texts). First the prayers in “Bone Ihesu” and “Juxta corpus” are directed towards Jesus, then to Maria, on to archangels, to John the Baptist, to patriarchs and apostles; in stanzas 5-6 we get to martyrs and male and female saints. In the second halves of the songs, saints from the later part of the middle ages begin to appear. The late saints combined with the different versions of the poems can help us to date and place this repertory.

Summary of the long trope poems

Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis
(ff. 2v-10)
Juxta corpus spiritus stetit
(ff. 18v-28)
Lugentibus in purgatorio
(ff. 10v-13) – Refrains:
1. Jesus Christus 1. Jesus Christus 1. O, Jhesu rex, miserere eis
2. Maria fons dulcedinis 2. Maria virgo atque mater 2. O, Maria, ora pro eis
3. Archangels Michael,
Gabriel and Raphael
3. Archangels Michael
and Gabriel, angels and
3. Sancte Petre, ora pro eis
4. Johannes the Baptist,
patriarchs, Peter and Paulus,
4. Johannes the Baptist,
Abraham, prophets and
5. Apostles Peter and Paulus
5. Stefan prothomartir,
Laurentius, Christoforus, martyrs
6. Stefan prothomartir and
Peter martir and other martyrs
6. Gregory, Martin [of Tours],
Franciscus [of Assisi], Anthonius
[of Padova] and Benedict
7. Confessor N, Thomas
[Aquinas] and all confessors
7. Maria Magdalena, Agnes,
Martha, Catherina, Clara [of
Assisi], Elizabeth and Cristina,
8. Anna mater virginis,
Catharina de Senis and virgins
8. All sacred men and women 9. All sacred men and women
10. Jesu Christe audi nos,
Kyrie eleyson


Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis

In the case of »Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis« it is interesting to compare one word in its text with the text of a two-part setting in a rituale/processionale, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. lat. 10581 (suppl. lat. 446), where it appears on ff. 89v-101 in a simple setting with the same music fully written out for all eight stanzas – the setting has no musical similarity to the one in Amiens 162 (cf. RISM B IV/3, p. 549, RISM B XIV/2, pp. 123-24, and Corbin 1966). The manuscript from an abbey of the Order of St Clare in Meaux can be dated c 1490-1510. It is a luxurious small parchment manuscript (the space for writing measures 60 x 90 mm only) with illuminated initials on backgrounds of gold; it was probably a private book made for the use of a leader of the institution. It contains processional songs, sequences and litanies etc., and ff. 43 onwards it brings the rituals for administering to the sick and for funerals and commemorations (the responsory “Libera me” can be found ff. 63v-65). This long section is followed by two supplementary songs, a sequence to St Franciscus, De sancto francisco prosa ”Regit victor virtualis hic”, ff. 83-89, and ”Bone Jesus dulcis cunctis”, which is the only example of polyphony in the manuscript. (6)

If we disregard orthographic variants, the texts offer very few differences. We find the only important one in stanza 6, where a name in Amiens 162 seems to be emphasized in yellow ink:

Amiens 162: 
Gregori doctrine sator 
par apostolis martine. 
Francisce stigmatum lator.
Anthoni et benedicte
hinc gloriam sine fine,
impetretis suppliciter, 
ut in celorum culmine 
collocetur feliciter. 

Dum ve.

Paris 10581:
Gregori doctrine sator
par apostolis martine.
Francisce stigmatum lator
anthoni et bernardine.
Hinc gloriam sine fine
impetretis suppliciter.
Ut in celorum culmine
collecetur feliciter.

Dum ve.

The Paris version mentions “bernardine” in the fourth line, while Amiens 162 emphasizes “benedicte”. One look at the pattern of rimes discloses that the Paris version must be the original wording of this stanza. It rimes, and St Bernardinus of Siena (1380-1444) who was canonized in 1450, rounds off nicely the stanza’s short enumeration of Franciscan saints, consisting of the founder of the order Francis of Assisi and Antonius of Padova. In stanza 7 the founder of the Order of the Poor Clares, St Clara of Assisi, is mentioned among the female saints along with St Elisabeth who was a Clarisse nun. St Bernardinus was a popular preacher who called for an ecstatic worship of the name of Jesus in his sermons. He was accused of heresy several times and was close to be excommunicated. At the same time he was an ardent reformer of the Franciscan Order and became in 1438 the first general vicar for the ‘observant’ or ‘spiritual’ branch of the order, which attached great importance to the duty of poverty and to preaching in the vernacular (Lexikon 1998, Bd. I, coll. 1973-75). In this respect he along with his contemporary Colette of Corbie (1381-1447) had a decisive influence on the Order of the Poor Clares and other orders of nuns affiliated the Franciscans.

Figure 5, “Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis”, stanza 6 (ff. 7v-8).

If we take a closer look on the pages in Amiens 162 containing stanza 6, it becomes clear that Hand A did in fact copy the text exactly as it stands in the Paris MS, including “bernardine”. The name was later partly erased and changed into “benedicte” with reuse of some letters. The chemical erasure has since then caused the dark brown ink to bleach, so now the name stands out in yellow or very light brown colour. The other, older saints invoked in stanza 6, St Gregory and St Martin of Tours, was completely acceptable to the monks of Corbie. Back in Corbie after his Paris studies and using the music collection for services in the confraternity, Caulaincourt with his strong consciousness of Benedictine traditions and history could not endorse the controversial Franciscan reformer, and he put in the name of St Benedict, completely disregarding the rime. Moreover, neither he nor his fellow monks had forgot the Corbie monastery’s acrimonious quarrels with Colette of Corbie and the Order of the Poor Clares, an incident he discusses extensively in his Chronique. (7)

All this makes it clear that Hand A had obtained »Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis« in Franciscan circles in Paris. The poem was written in the second part of the 15th century, after the canonization of Bernardinus in 1450, and it must have been quite widely circulated, since it is found in Amiens 162 with a more ‘modern’ three-part music, different from the setting in Paris 10581. The simple two-part setting got, in return, a surprising afterlife, as its well-formed tenor tune resurfaced in the 19th century as the hymn “O come, 0 come, Emmanuel” (cf. the comments to the edition).

Juxta corpus spiritus stetit

The opening lines of »Juxta corpus spiritus stetit« quote the widely circulated dialogue from the 12th century, Visio Philiberti or Disputatio inter corpus et animam, which was used and reworked even in the 16th century, also in the vernacular. Here the soul and the deceased body quarrel about the responsibility for a wasted life. The soul cannot disclaim all blame, but both of them decline the main responsibility. The poem ends, when two demons take the soul to the torments of the damned. (8) In the stanzas 6-8 of the Amiens 162 setting saints are invoked, which belonged to the Dominican Order, Petrus Martyr (dead 1252, canonized 1253), Thomas Aquinas (dead 1274, canonized 1323), and Catherine of Siena (dead 1380, canonized 1461). Even if Catherina was intensely worshipped from shortly after her death, when prayers addressed to her caused miracles, this version of the poem probably was written after her canonization, later than 1461, because she is here ranked with St Anna, the mother of the Virgin Maria.

This text was obviously acceptable at Corbie; the music of the stanzas has been carefully revised on the pages of the manuscript by Caulaincourt with the adjustment of the relationship between music and text as one of his objectives; see further ‘Notes on the reworked stanzas of »Juxta corpus spiritus stetit«’. In a Franciscan paper manuscript from the first part of the 16th century in Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek, MS Mk 96, we find a two-part setting of the tenor tune in simple polyphony, which use five of the stanzas in a nearly identical version (stanzas 1-3 and 9-10). This setting appears in a revised version in a paper sequentiary/lectionary in Grand-Saint-Bernard, Bibliothèque de l’Hospice, Ms. 6 (1983), written around 1500 at the Augustinian monastery or in the Aosta Valley. (9) Here the music shows a few changes, while the eight stanzas of text, corresponding to stanzas 1-6 and 8-9 in Amiens 162 display greater differences; they probably represent a revised version adapted to the Augustinian liturgy. In stanza 6, Petrus Martyr has been replaced by Triumphator Vincenti; and in the next stanza, Anna and Catherine of Siena have been replaced by Maria Magdalena and Catherine of Alexandria. In this way all the Dominican saints from the 13th-15th centuries have been replaced by Biblical saints or saints from the early centuries of Christianity. St Vincentus was martyred in 304, and Augustine wrote his Vita. The text in Grand-Saint-Bernhard 6 seems to have been revised during the copying process with greater attention to changing the names of saints than to its poetic structure. Several stanzas do not rime, and three stanzas (5-7) all end with the word “celorum” in complete disregard of the rime structure.

This permits us to assume that this intercessory poem was created in circles of Dominican observance during the decades following 1461. Its text and tune apparently had appeal to monastic societies of other observances and became the starting point for new versions of the text as well as of the music.

Lugentibus in purgatorio

“Lugentibus” or “Langentibus in purgatorio” is a prayer for the souls in Purgatory, which enjoyed a wide circulation in the 15th and 16th centuries with a differing number of stanzas (RH nos. 10180-81 and 10723, Mone 1853 vol. I, pp. 400-402, and Leroquais 1927, vol. I, p. 160 and vol. II, p. 240). A two-part setting in the Franciscan manuscript already mentioned, Tübingen 76, transmits four stanzas with clues for the repeats of the “Libera me”-sections, and in the Augustinian MS Grand-Saint-Bernard 7, the same music and text appear in a revised version under the heading “Pro fidelibus deffunctis”. It is obvious that Hand A has regarded this song as being of the same type as the other songs in this group. (10) In many sources the text unequivocally appeals to the Virgin Maria with “O Maria” as refrain after each stanza (Mone 1901, pp. 239-241; AR p. 198*, Pothier 1895, and the two(three)-part setting in the fragment of the early 16th century, MS Lyon 6632, f. 12). In the two-part setting in Tübingen 76 and Grand-Saint-Bernard 7, the prayer in the two first stanzas invoke Jesus, while it in the two last stanzas passes through his mother. The refrain-like fermata passages in the end of the stanzas changes addressees in Amiens 162: to Jesus, to Maria and to St Peter, thereby its structure becomes similar to the two long “Libera me” tropes (see the table ‘Summary of the long trope poems’). The poem can be found in four different polyphonic settings, which do not use the same music, and they are preserved in sources of widely different origin and function, namely in three monastic manuscripts, (11) in a fragment of a collection of polyphonic masses and in a chansonnier, the last two can be dated in the decade just after 1500. (12)

It seems striking that we for each of the three three-part compositions, which we have just looked at, can find related songs in contemporary sources, all set in simpler two-part polyphony. This indicates that Hand A was in fact able to deliver a specified repertory, which could live up to the highest demands imaginable for a collection of monastic music. He could offer – as we later shall discuss – a fullness of sound in music performable for untrained singers.

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1) Ottosen 1993, pp. 213 ff, describes a repertory from Cambrai, where stanzas from the hymn “Ad consultum veritas” are sung to its own tune among verses of a different character.

2) The entire verse is entered with music in the Worchester antiphoner; all the preceding standard songs are represented by incipits only. Mocquereau 1925, planches 438- 39.

3) Knud Ottosen has found the versus in 465 sources after the 11th century – in 461 instances as a versus for “Libera me”, cf. Ottosen 1993, p. 405, V38. The verse appears also in books of hours copied in the second half of the 15th century, cf. for example Horæ ad usum Sarum (The Bohun Hours), Copenhagen, The Royal Library, MS Thott 547 4°, f. 59, or The Burnet Psalter, Aberdeen University Library, MS 25, f. 277r-v.

4) Blume 1906, pp. 383-84; Knud Ottosen has found the stanzas 14, 5 and 4 times respectively as verses for “Libera me” in sources from the second half of the 15th century and later; cf. Ottosen 1994, pp. 410 ff, V173, V261 and V108. In an office from the Benedictine monastery in Tiron (near Chartres) the verses appear in the same order as in Amiens 162 and Grand-Saint-Bernard, Ms. 7 (ibid. p. 250).

5) “Bone Ihesu” has clues for the repeats of the responsory sections (after stanzas 2 and 7 repeats from “Quando celi”, and after stanza 6 from “Dum veneris”), and for the final repeat of the complete responsory. “Juxta corpus” in Amiens 162 does not include references to “Libera me”. However, the two-part setting of the same tune and text in MS Grand-Saint-Bernard 6, pp. 208-223, has elaborate clues for the repeats of the responsory; see further the edition.

6) Exactly the same selection of contents, including the two-part “Bone Jesu dulcis cinctis”, can be found in a contemporary French processional in the Honnold/Mudd Library, Claremont Colleges, MS Crispin 14 (cf. Dutschke 1986, pp. 32-33, and Fenner 2014), and in a similar book in Philadelphia, Free Library, Collection John F. Lewis, MS E 180, dated 1603 (cf. RISM BXIV/2, pp. 494-495). These small books were probably produced by Clarisse nuns in many copies after closely related exemplars during a period beginning in the late 15th century.

7) Nicolette Boillet (Colette of Corbie, 1381-1447) had grown up at the Corbie Abbey and had received her education from the Benedictines. Between her 21st and 25th year she chose to let herself be confined in a small cell in the apse of the church Saint-Étienne in the abbey. During these years of reclusion she had visions of St Franciscus, which induced her to work for the foundation of monasteries of the Poor Clares – later called Colettine (or Coletan) houses – primarily in the Burgundian lands. She founded 17 female monasteries with the support of the Burgundian duke. In 1440s, with Corbie under Burgundian rule, she tried again in 1445 to create at a Clarisse nunnery in Corbie – her first attempt in the 1420s had failed. Her project had the support of the duke, of the French crown, the abbot of the monastery and of the pope, but it failed because of the fierce resistance from the monks, cf. Amiens MS 524 D pp. 307-312, Gaillard 1963, pp. 325-26, and Warren 2005, pp. 15-20. On Colette of Corbie, see further Campbell 2014 and Lopez 2000.

8) Cf. Lexikon 1998, Bd. VIII, coll. 1733, Art. ‘Visio Philibert’, and coll. 235ff, Art. ‘Streitgedicht’.

9) Both settings are published in Amiens 162 Edition no. 5 Appendices.

10) In the later stanzas of the poem (not set in Amiens 162) the prayer concerns the soul on the day of judgement, “In tremendo dei iudico” and “Dies illa, dies terribilis”, with invocations of Maria as helper. The similarity of expression to the sequence “Stabat mater dolorosa” (in Amiens 162 ff. 30v-35) has been pointed out, cf. Szövérffy 1964, vol. II, p. 289. Even more striking is the kinship of these stanzas with the verses “Dies irae” etc. in the responsory ”Libera me” and with the renowned sequence of the requiem mass.

11) The MSS Amiens 162, Grand-Saint-Bernard 7 and Tübingen 76.

12) Lyon, Bibliothèque de la Ville, ms. 6632 fonds musicales, and Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, Musik i Handskrift 76a, cf. Christoffersen 1994, vol. I, pp. 319-327. Concerning the Lyon fragments, see further Shand 2007. The four compositions are published in the Amiens 162 Edition no. 2 Appendices.