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Description of Amiens, Bibliothèque Municipale Louis-Aragon, Ms. 162 D

Fragmentary missal (early sixteenth century)
Missal (14th century, incomplete)
Music manuscript (early 16th century)
Dating, genesis and provenance
Literature and facsimile

Amiens 162 is a parchment manuscript in large format, c. 32 x 22 x 4,3 cm, consisting of 124 folios (several have been lost) distributed in 14 fascicles. The book was bound in 1826 by Paul Leprince in Amiens in red half binding decorated with the arms of the city and marked “Corbie, 115 II”. During this process all folios were trimmed, and some time later an ink foliation ff. 1-124 was added.

It is a composite manuscript made up by three items, two missals without music and a music manuscript containing mainly two- and three-part simple poluphony, plainchant and some added pieces in mensural notation. These items were brought together, bound in a fragile binding and finally posited in the library of the Corbie Abbey by Dom Antoine de Caulaincourt during the 1530s or earlier. Old sewing-holes and the comments in an older catalogue of the library of Corbie attest that the items did belong together in a former binding, but not in the present order. The constituents of the manuscript must in the following be treated separately. An overview of the manuscript in its present state, which tabulates its fascicle structure, repertory, staff systems, and hands, can be found in the table Fascicle structure, and the detailed contents of each section appear from the links in the List of contents.

A fragmentary missal (early sixteenth century) 

One fascicle (ff. 46-54v) of good quality parchment, smooth, pale and thin, which contains the last part of Proprium sanctorum. The pages are ruled in red ink in two columns of 25 lines. The text is carefully copied by one or more hands. The dominant hand writes a quite rounded and open textura, which is very similar to Hand C in the music sections of the MS. Rubrics and capitals are emphasized in red, and the beginning of each mass has big initials, which are decorated by patterns of white curves and waves inside the vertical, thick stems of the letters – on a background of alternating red and brown (black) colours (see fig. 1.1). The same type of embellished letters accompanies the work of Hands B and C in the music sections (cf. fig. 1.2). On f. 49v the mass for St Sebastian is accompanied by a pen drawing of the saint pierced by arrows.

Figure 1, Letter ”L”

1.1 f. 49v (Missale)    1.2 f. 118, Hand C (initial type 3)

The fascicle consists of four bifolios, which were supplemented by an extra folio (f. 53) glued to f. 54 in order to make room for the last three masses, which deal with the relics of the church, with the ailing, and with the three local saints, Fuscianus, Victoricus and Gentianus. The beginning of the first mass in the fascicle is missing; it must have been written on the last page(s) of a preceding fascicle. Folio 54v was probably the original last page of this small missal. It was made in Corbie around 1500 or a short time later, and it seems safe to assume that the main hand belongs to Antoine de Caulaincourt or to one of his contemporaries in the abbey.

Missal (14th century, incomplete)

The five fascicles 8-12 (ff. 55-112v), each consisting of six bifolios, make up a 14th century missal from Corbie. It is made of parchment, which is a bit rough but of good quality. Each page is carefully ruled in blue ink in two columns with 25 lines for writing. The texts are entered in black ink in a clear, tightly spaced, formal textura with many abbreviations and rubrics in red; capitals in the text are emphasized in alternating blue and red, and the big initials (lettres filigranées) are decorated in red and blue and accompanied by decorative vertical staves in the same style, which link the initials and often extends into the upper and lower margins.

Abbé V. Leroquais described this section of MS Amiens 162 as a 14th century missal from Corbie (Leroquais 1924, Vol. II, p. 298). It follows the Benedictine ordo missae found in many other and older missals and liturgical manuscripts with a similar calendar of Saints from the 9th century and onwards (cf. Leroquais 1924, Vol. I, pp. 25-28, 63-64, 79-81, 164-67, 192-94, and Vol. II, pp. 165-66, 177-79; several among these MSS origiated in the great Benedictine abbey of Corbie). It contains the Temporale (beginning “In vigilia nativitatis domini”), a long series of votive masses, the Ordo missae (ff. 75 ff), Proprium sanctorum and Commune sanctorum. The last section is defective, since four pages, which surely had space for completing the missal (it ends in the middle of “Plurimorum virginum”), have been torn out. This happened after the new binding, and before the new foliation. A loose corner piece from one of the missing pages is still placed at the end of the volume, and its text carries on from the last words on f. 112v, “… Alleluya Versus: Diffu / sa est …” (earlier one more scrap of a page existed as the microfilm of the library shows). This means that at least until sometime in the 19th century this part of the manuscript was a complete missal or at least an integral liturgical book for use in the Corbie Abbey. On the bottom of folio 84 an un-datable hand has written “Corbie” and a blurred name.

A later user, surely Antoine de Caulaincourt, has erased and changed the texts in two masses. On f. 68, in the right column and following the postcommunio belonging to the mass for the apostles Peter and Paul, the text has been erased, and in its place he has entered “Alleluya. Per dei genitrix” and the hymn “Preter rerum seriem”. And on f. 85 he has erased a mass entirely and replaced it by a mass for the souls of father and mother (Pro patre et matre) only leaving the original illuminated initials in order to reuse them. The writing in these additions is very similar to the main hand of the preceding younger missal.

We also meet this hand on a bifolio inserted into the middle of fascicle 9 (ff. 73-74v). On the front side of this sheet (ff. 73v-74) we find two full-page paintings in strong colours on a golden background depicting the crucified Christ between Maria and Johannes the Baptist and Christ enthroned among symbols for the four evangelists. These pictures, which Leroquais characterised as “Peintures à pleine page d’execution mediocre” (Leroquais 1924, Vol. II, p. 298), were made during the second half of the 15th century and were some sort of movable illustrations with only the front side of the parchment prepared for use with chalking and glue. The backside, the hair side, was raw and never meant to write on, but it was filled by the same hand as we find in the changes made in the old missal, and it was incorporated in a booklet or other small collection of liturgical texts containing recent votive masses. The first page of the folded bifolio has two masses against the Turks, “[Pro] regis catholici contra turcos” and “Pro subsidio christianorum contra turcos” (f. 73), and the last page has the church prayers, known as the Clamor, for the unity of the church and against its enemies (f. 74v). Unlike the two missals these texts were copied in one column only. The bifolio must have been salvaged from another manuscript as the first mass did begin on a preceding page. The missing text has been carefully copied on to a small piece of parchment by the same hand and glued in before f. 73 (f. 72bis).

It is quite obvious that Caulaincourt may have revised two masses of special interest to himself. One is the mass for the patron saints of the abbey, Peter and Paul, and the other a mass for parents “... miserere clementer animabus patris et matris mee: ...”. His father, Jean III de Caulaincourt, had died before 1504, but his mother, Jeanne Le Vasseur, seems to have died some time after 1529. Likewise, the single sheet and its extra scrap of parchment, which was added to preserve the text intact, was something that he wanted to preserve from a discarded collection of texts, and he placed it in the older missale when he prepared it for binding along with the other items in MS Amiens 162. We can see that the bifolio had its present place in the original binding. The adjacent pages, ff. 72v and 75, are miscoloured, and f. 72v is smeared in spots, probably from the contact during centuries with the rough, untreated reverse side of the bifolio.

Music manuscript (early 16th century)

Eight fascicles, fasc. 1-6 and 13-14 (ff. 1-45v and 113-124v), make up the music manuscript. Originally the eight fascicles each consisted of four bifolios, except for fasc. 4 that only has two, and all were folded from the same stock of parchment of a sturdy and smooth quality, yellow in colour. They were prepared for music and filled concurrently, more or less, by two scribes who used different methods of preparation, and each of them had distinct repertories of music ready for copying. None of the scribes used the techniques of letting small holes pricked through the parchment secure a uniform placement of text and music on the pages, neither did they use dry-point lines or other visual guides on the pages. Instead, as the placement of text and music are consistent for each scribe, they must have placed some sort of template on paper or parchment under the sheets they worked on. The transparency of the parchment made this an obvious solution.

Hand A belonged to a professional scribe of liturgical books with musical notation such as missals and antiphonaries, in which prose and music alternate. In such manuscripts it could be difficult to predict where precisely musical notation should take over from text and rubrics, and therefore the musical staves were only drawn when initials and rubrics were in place upon the pages. This was exactly his method of working. First he entered all the text and the initials in dark brown (black) ink while leaving spaces open for the red initials and for letters in a contrasting colour. Then he drew the initials and the music staves in red ink. For the staves he used a rastrum, which made four lines in one operation when drawn along a ruler. The distance between the staff lines is five millimetres creating a total staff height of 15 millimetres, and he put seven staves on each page. To the left he started the staves just after the initial or in accord with the margin of his template and thus produced a visual straight left margin. To the right he ended the staves just after the last word written below and got a slightly curvy right margin, which exactly fitted the words of the song. The last stages were to enter the music in brown ink and the emphasized capitals and the decorations of the black initials in yellow ink.

His texts are entered in a clear and well-formed textura with the single letters closely spaced and strong contrasts between the heavy strokes and the hairlines and with acute-angled feet on all vertical strokes (for example, in his minuscule “a” the upper loop is closed by a hairline – and different from Hand B’s). He alternates between two types of initials (see Figure 2): Type 1 is an only slightly decorated type of Roman capital often met with in French manuscripts, here in red ink, while type 2 is a Gothic capital in black ink with decorations in yellow ink consisting of grotesque faces, flowers and birds. His expertise in musical notation was probably restricted to the black notation of plainchant and the related simple polyphony; his custos are – as usual in chant manuscripts – formed as miniature puncta. The less assured white notation, which we find in »Lugentibus in purgatorio« (ff. 10v-13), may have been entered by a different hand.

Figure 2, Initials of type 1 and 2 by Hand A, ff. 2v-3 »Bone Ihesu dulcis cunctis«

f. 2v f. 3

Hand A copied a collection of polyphonic music for funerals and commemorations for which he had the exemplars ready, and its large format, the big letters and big musical notation make it eminently legible at a distance for a group of singers. It consists of four fascicles (or 2 x 2 fascicles) and the whole collection was prepared during one single period of work:

Folios 2-17v, 2 quaternions, staff system 1, content four songs, the front page was left blank.

Folios 18-29v, 1 quaternion + 1 fascicle of 2 bifolios, staff system 1, content one song only. After finishing, hand A furnished the front page (f. 18) and ff. 28v-29v with empty staves (staff system 2 – like staff system 1, but with straight margins as no text was entered first).

As part of his work he also entered the sequence »Stabat mater dolorosa« ff. 30v-35 on pages with musical staves prepared by Hand B.

Hand B adhered to a different procedure in his work. As in most music manuscripts he began by furnishing all the pages with music staves in red ink in one operation; and he used a rastrum slightly narrower than Hand A’s, with a total height of 13 millimetres, which enabled him to put eight staves on each page occupying the same space as in Hand A’s contribution. He did not leave any pages blank without staves or left spaces for initials, and his margins appear straight, drawn according to his template. His initials are drawn upon the staves, and they are very big, covering two staves, where Hand A’s took up only the space of one staff. He uses two types of initials: Type 3 is a roman capital with decorations inside the stems of the letters; they are made in black and red ink and are very similar to the initials found in the youngest of the two missals bound with the music manuscripts (see Figure 3 and Figure 1); type 4 consists like Hand A’s type 2 of heavy black letters with double vertical stems and is decorated with flowers and faces in alternately red and yellow ink (see Figure 3); in some cases one half of the letter is decorated in red while the other half is in yellow, and this colour scheme is reversed on the opening’s opposite page. The custos of Hand B are small zigzag-lines followed by a curvy flourish as common in music manuscripts.

Figure 3, Initials of type 3 and 4 by Hand B

f. 29 “Virgine marie laudes” f. 36 “Veni sancte spiritus”

In his texts Hand B tried to write the same type of formal textura as Hand A, but he was not able to form his letters with the same regularity. Their spacing is looser, not merging into word pictures in the same way, and the sharp differences between the heavy lines and hairlines often become blurred (for example, in his minuscule “a” the upper loop is very big, because he did not master the change to hairline); some of his letterforms are easily identifiable, for example his backwards sloping “s”. Obviously, he was a copyist of restricted experience.

Hand B entered music in four fascicles, or rather in two small sections of the manuscript, each probably from the beginning consisting of two quaternions:

Folios 30-45v, 2 quaternions, contain a series of two-part sequences for which the exemplars had been collected before the start of copying, and like the collection of funeral music intended for a group of singers. Leaving the front page without music, Hand A began the project by entering the lengthy »Stabat mater dolorosa« on ff. 30v-35, then Hand B filled out ff. 35v-41 and finally entered the sequence »Virgine Marie laudes« ff. 28v-30, which connects the fourth and fifth fascicles. Most of the opening ff. 40v-41 and the pages ff. 42v-45v were left without music.

Folios 113-119 originally constituted a quaternion, which can be reconstructed from the present fascicles 13-14 (for a proposed reconstruction, see Fig. 4). Its original content, a tonary, lacks the first pages, which probably was the missing half of f. 119 (this folio was placed in fasc. 14 during the last binding of the MS); 6 pages (ff. 117-119v) were left without music at the end of the fascicle.

Folios 120-124v, two and a half bifolios only are left of the last fascicle, which probably consisted of four bifolios from the start. The second half of f. 120 has disappeared. It may be preserved as the present f. 1 (now glued to fasc. 1) – then the last fascicle may have consisted of 3 bifolios only. However, it is more probable that the fourth bifolio served as a cover for the whole music collection, and that f. 1 is the remains of this original cover sheet (see fig. 4). Hand B has entered only a motet and a monophonic sequence (ff. 123v-124); both are items that did not fit into the otherwise selected groups of repertory for the MS (funeral music, two-part sequences and the tonary).

Finally, Hand B has added on ff. 40v-41, below the end of a sequence, the four-part motet »Bone Jesu dulcissime«, a prayer for a free monastic house!

Figure 4, Reconstruction of fascicles 13-14

The present composition of the fascicles                    Proposal for a reconstruction

The results of this cooperation between Hands A and B were:

1) A manuscript of six fascicles with funeral music and sequences.

2) A fascicle containing a tonary supplemented by a nearly empty fascicle
– the whole collection probably was kept inside one of the bifolios with music staves belonging to the last fascicle.

Hand C has added a monophonic vesper for St Barbara on empty pages in the sequence-section (ff. 42v-45), a monophonic mass for St Catherine on the many empty pages in fasc. 13-14 (ff. 118-121), thereby linking the fascicles (much of the music was never entered), a two-part Credo ff. 121v-124, and the same hand probably also added some short pieces on the lower parts of pages to fill out spaces on ff. 45v and 116v. All these additions were made after the fourth bifolio had been removed from fasc. 14 for use as a cover.

Hand C most probably belongs to the owner of Hand B at a later stage in his career. We find a writer who masters the letter shapes to a much higher degree. His writing is smaller, but still with disjunct letters, and his control of the pen is better; for example, the letter “a” does not stick out anymore, also because he simply has abandoned closing the upper loop. The result is an assured, but less formal textura, rounder and in some places more connected (traces from cursive tending towards bastarda). It is a typical French textura and very similar to the writing in the youngest missal in MS Amiens 162 and to the changes in the older one.

Hand D is certainly Hand C at a later date. It has made additions on the empty pages ff. 1, 1v, 2, 18, 117, 117v, and 121. Most of the additions are mensural music copied without real understanding of the notation. This script is quite varied, and it can be a bit difficult to determine if all items were done by the same hand. The scribe imitated his exemplars closely, and the texts were carefully drawn to look like printed type, without any personal traits. In four songs he attempted to notate the music in white mensural notation according to the best standards of the period with well-defined angular note shapes. On top of f. 2 Caulaincourt has added his characteristic signature “DE CAULAINCOURT”.

Dating, genesis and provenance

Folio 1 bears on the top of the page the inscription “Missale antiquum”, and in vertical position along the spine of the MS we find a nearly illegible Latin text, which identifies the contents of the MS by mentioning the first and last items in the volume, “Missale imperfectum … officium proprium Ste Barbare virginis et martyris: propter sodalita … corbeiensi … in fine libri … …”. These inscriptions were judging by the style of the writing added sometime during 17th or early 18th centuries. Similar information can be found in a copy of an old catalogue of the library of the Corbie abbey made by Dom Pardessus in 1761, which describes the MS as “Missale. Il se trouve a la fin un office de ste Barbe pour la confrerie de cette ste qui etoit dans l’eglise de Corbie a qui Dom Antoine de Caulaincourt donna ce livre. Antoine de Caulaincourt est mort en 1536. Cotté 105 II.” (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Collection de Picardie, tome 15, f. 9).

This confirms that the two missals and the music manuscript were bound together at an early date, that the St Barbara vespers contrary to their present placement were placed at the end of the volume, and that the volume was donated to the Corbie library by Antoine de Caulaincourt before 1536. Moreover, Caulaincourt’s involvement in the MS is strongly confirmed by his signature on top of f. 2, which is identical to his signatures in the register of the Officialité de Saint-Pierre de Corbie (Paris, Bibl. Nat., ms. lat.17145, ff. 42v-58; cf. Denoël 2010 pp. 89-90 and Plate 4a); Caulaincourt was the officialis of Corbie from 1522.

The original disposition of MS Amiens 162 is easy to reconstruct: The fascicles 1-6 must simply be moved to the back of the MS. Hereby the music manuscript becomes an entity ending with the vespers of St Barbara, and presumably preserved between a cover of which f. 1 is the sole remains (see the Table of the Contents of the reconstructed manuscript). Into this cover Caulaincourt placed an old missal in his possession, which was intact until the 19th century, and before that a fascicle from another, younger missal (“Missale imperfectum …”), and had it all bound. In this shape, the manuscript fits the old catalogue description perfectly.

Caulaincourt’s own chronicle of Corbie, Chronicon Corbeiense, which is preserved in a partial autograph in the Bibliothèque Nationale (ms. lat. 17.757), documents the existence of two confraternities in connection with the abbey “et in confraternitatibus sanctarum marie magdalone et barbare martiris” (f. 91). Caulaincourt’s handwriting on these pages and in the register mentioned above is a hasty cursive, angular and quite different from the textura used in MS 162, but surely he mastered formal script as well given his education at Corbie and at the grandes écoles of Amiens. Changes and additions are characteristic features of the books that we know he owned. This is true of the music manuscript, so it is to some degree of the two missals, and still more of a parchment Livre d’heures, printed in Paris by Philippe Pigouchet in 1502 or 1503 (Paris, Bibl. Nat., ms. lat. 18.034) and remade by Caulaincourt in 1530. Its original calendar covering the years 1502-20 according to the use of Cluny was changed into a book of Heures de Corbie for the years 1530-46 by erasures and handwritten additions (see Denoêl 2010, pp. 90-94 and Plates 4-7). Here we find additions in Caulaincourt’s characteristic cursive hand as well as changes made in a textura very similar to the one in MS Amiens 162.

In the light of this obvious urge to change and to put his own stamp (and in some cases his name also) on his books it seems safe to assume that Caulaincourt himself was the writer of much of MS Amiens 162 and of the additions to the other items, and that the Hands B, C and D represents stages in his maturing as a copyist. On the other hand, we have to keep in mind that Caulaincourt, who for some of his career occupied a prominent position in the monastery, might have had assistance from copyists educated in the same tradition. It makes no real difference to the understanding of the genesis of the music manuscript if Caulaincourt did the work himself or could ask an assistant or a fellow monk to do it. And certainly, the changes in the music must have been decided by a person who used the MS regularly.

The assumption that a single person was responsible for not only the assembly of the three MSS in one volume but also for the creation of the music manuscript places Antoine de Caulaincourt (1482-1536/40) in a central role, and it enables us to put up a time frame for its genesis. The preparations before the actual copying, which consisted in the finding and selection of a quite specialized repertory of funeral music and sequences coming from several monastic traditions, indicate access to the resources of a musical centre (see further the Introduction). The provincial town Corbie probably did not offer such resources. The nearby city of Amiens is a better candidate, but Paris must be regarded as the most probable place. This is exactly where Caulaincourt was sent at Easter 1502 in order to study for ten months while living with his older cousin, Jean Le Vasseur, who had a position as professor of theology in Paris besides functioning as prior of the Dominican convent at Saint-Omer and as suffragant bishop of Thérouanne. Caulaincourt departed a few months after the start of the building of a new Abbatiale in Corbie. The demolition of the old church and the plans for the construction of a vast new one probably prompted the abbot Pierre d’Ostrel to prioritize local confraternities, which could assist in supporting the project and take spiritual care of the expanding work force. Here in particular that of St Barbara was relevant, the saint being the patroness of builders and fusiliers. It is highly thinkable that the abbot commissioned the young Caulaincourt while in Paris to procure a collection of polyphonic music suitable to serve this confraternity, namely music of the highest social and liturgical standing, which local singers, not educated in polyphony, were able to perform.

The funds for this project probably were sufficient for the acquirement of the 30 sheets of good quality parchment and for the remuneration of the participation in the first stages of the work of an experienced copyist in the Paris residence of the Corbie abbey. Evidently, Hand A and Hand B (the young Caulaincourt) worked concurrently, each on his part of the project. Hand B ruled four quaternions and copied the tonary and a couple of pieces more, and when Hand A had copied the funeral music and one sequence, Hand B had to finish the set of sequences. Before leaving Paris he probably added the small motet ›Bone Jesu dulcissime«, ff. 40v-41, later ascribed to Gascongne, below the last notes of of a sequence. Maybe its prayer for the protection and salvation of a “domum … liberam” caught his attention given the constantly strained relationship between his monastery and the French crown.

The next stage in the genesis of the MS came later in Corbie when Caulaincourt, now visibly less influenced by the writing style of Hand A, entered the vespers for St Barbara that were needed for the services in the saint’s confraternity (Hand C) on ff. 42v-45, just after the sequences. The same hand C also copied the mass for St Catherine without entering all the music. It was placed after the tonary with an empty folio as divider, and it runs into the next fascicle. After that he nearly could not find space enough for copying the two-part »Credo in unum deum«, ff. 121v-124; he had to squeeze in the ending below the motet »O miranda dei caritas / Kyrie eleyson«, earlier placed here by Hand B.

The pieces added by hand D on empty pages ff. 1, 1v, 2, 18, 117, 117v, and 121 belong to the next decade. Most of them are in white mensural notation and belong with the three-part repertory, which later was printed by Pierre Attaingnant in Paris, but had circulated much earlier. Caulaincourt may have collected their exemplars while he studied in Paris, or he may have got to know them later, for example when the king twice stayed at the Corbie monastery in 1513 or during Caulaincourt’s many visits to Paris. There cannot be any doubt that the pieces were added in order to provide the music collection with some sheen of modernity, and this most probably happened while the MS still was important to the operation of the confraternity of St Barbara.

The changes and revisions made in the music copied by Hands A (»Juxta corpus spiritus stetit« and »Stabat mater dolorosa«), B (»Virgini Marie laudes« and »Veni sancte spiritus«) and C (»Credo in unum deum«) certainly were made during the period when the music MS was in active use. And it seems natural to ascribe all of them to Caulaincourt. The tendency to revise the settings already appears during the copying process of Hand B. Therefore, if we must accept that the same person was responsible for all the work done by Hands B-D, Caulaincourt is the obvious candidate.

At some point when the music no longer was of interest for regular use, Caulaincourt brought the two missals, the bifolio with pictures and the two anti-Turkish masses, and the music manuscript together and had them bound in one volume, which he placed in the Corbie library. The different manuscripts in this collection may very well have represented the materials related to his duties in connection with the confraternity of St Barbara. The confraternity probably declined during the years as a result of the standing controversy over the status of the monastery and became less important when the building of the new church slowed down during the years after 1510. In 1523, Corbie finally was subjugated la commende (ruled by the king) when Philippe de la Chambre was appointed abbot (installed in 1528). And in 1522 Caulaincourt had been installed in one of the most powerful positions at Corbie, as officialis (chairman of the clerical court).

To sum up: The music manuscript was probably created with Antoine de Caulaincourt as its prime mover in Paris during his stay in 1502-03. The additions and revisions were results of its use in the services for the St Barbara confraternity through the following decade. It went out of use during the years when the monastery struggled for its independence. By the beginning of the 1520s at latest its usefulness must have come to an end. At some time before his death Caulaincourt bound the materials concerning the confraternity in one volume and placed it in the monastery library, where it remained until the dissolution of the monastery during the revolution and the transference of most of the monastery’s library to the Bibliotèque Communale of Amiens.

Scholarly literature (selection) – Garnier 1843, pp. 125-126; Garnier 1856; Coyecque 1893, pp. 71-72; Leroquais 1924, Vol. II, p. 298; Hofmann-Brandt 1967; Christoffersen 1994, Vol. I, pp. 321 ff; Denoël 2010; Christoffersen 2012; Memoria mortis. Motet Cycles of the Late XVth Century, Ensemble Charneyron, Peter Woetmann Christoffersen, Kontrapunkt 32082 (cd – 1991), track 3,“Juxta corpus spiritus stetit”.

Facsimile · A complete set of black and white photos and a selection of colour facsimiles from MS Amiens 162 can be viewed on

PWCH December 2014